https://mail.journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/issue/feedJournal of Contemporary International Relations and Diplomacy2026-01-23T16:39:09+00:00Dr. Chibuike Obikaezeobikaezevc@abuad.edu.ngOpen Journal Systems<p style="text-align: justify;">Journal of Contemporary International Relations and Diplomacy is a university-based academic and peer-reviewed journal, domiciled in the Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, College of Social and Management Sciences, Afe Babalola University, Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria. The journal welcomes rigorous-researched original articles that are theoretical, empirical/policy-oriented in diverse areas of International Relations and Diplomacy, as well as cognate disciplines. Apart from the journal-level digital object identifier (DOI)<a title="JCIRD" href="https://journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/index"> https://doi.org/10.53982/jcird</a>, all papers which are available online on open access basis have individual permanent digital identifiers. Submission of articles to JCIRD implies that the work has not been published previously and is not under consideration in any other journal. JCIRD is published on a bi-annual basis.</p>https://mail.journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/2233Russia-Ukraine war and Nigeria’s economy: Mainstreaming nuances of interdependence as integral part of economic development2026-01-22T16:06:11+00:00Gerald Ezirim gerald.ezirim@unn.edu.ngChristian Onyemaechi Osuagwuchrisonyema93@gmail.com<p>This study examined the economic consequences of Russia-Ukraine war on Nigeria’s economy. Russia and Ukraine occupy central positions globally in the power play equation between the major resource-supplier nations and import-dependent ones. The study is anchored on the complex interdependence theory in order to unravel interrelations. It relied on the ex-post facto research design. Documentary method was employed in which case secondary data are sourced from books, journals, official documents, and online sources. Also, content analysis was applied in the study. Findings in the study are that: growth rates in critical sectors such as agriculture, industry, and services of the Nigerian economy have slowed down drastically as a result of the Russia-Ukraine war; Russia-Ukraine war has negatively impacted Nigeria’s oil production measured in (MBPD) from 2022 to 2024; and the wheat market in Nigeria has also been hit by increasing prices as a result of the war; Nigeria’s cumulative GDP growth rate has equally slowed down significantly since 2022. Recommendations are as follows; first, agriculture should be encouraged at all levels of government by prioritizing production rather than import; second, increased local participation in crude production and refining should be encouraged such as what Dangote refinery has come to represent, export of crude and import of refined products should be jettisoned; third, alternatives such as commercial production of cassava flour should be prioritized by government to discourage reliance on imported wheat; fourth, import dependent economies mostly manifest unfavourable GDP growth, hence government should embrace production in all sectors of the economy rather than consumption</p>2026-01-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 https://mail.journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/2234BRICS and the Politics of Multi-Polarity: Rethinking Global Governance2026-01-22T16:59:21+00:00Joseph Obidi Anagbaobidianagba@gmail.comBitrus Matawal Adamu matawaladams7@gmail.comTimilehin Ibrahim Olotu timiolotu1@gmail.com<p>The BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), and its recent expansion, has evolved beyond its economic foundations to emerge as a formidable actor influencing global governance. This article critiqued portrayals of BRICS as a merely symbolic or disjointed alliance, arguing that it offers a viable alternative to the Western-dominated global order. It challenges the representativeness of traditional institutions like the UN, IMF, and World Bank, while examining BRICS' initiatives such as the New Development Bank and de-dollarisation efforts. Being a qualitative research, secondary data was utilized to analyze BRICS' institutional strategies, ideological narratives, and policy tools that seek to reshape global power configurations. The study is anchored on two theories, the Neo-Gramscian and Structural Realism. The study argued that BRICS functions both as a symbol and agent of multi-polarity and examines whether the coalition can consolidate a coherent global vision beyond being a protest bloc. The study established in its findings that, BRICS is the alternative to Western dominated global institutions, thus, providing a change in the unipolar grips on global politics. One of the recommendations given is that as an alternative to unipolarity, BRICS should promote South-South alliances so as to strengthen its New Development Bank that will measure up with the global institutions such as the World Bank and IMF. Its evolving role may be pivotal to the future of global governance.</p>2026-01-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 https://mail.journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/2235Democracy and Development Nexus: Assessing President Tinubu's Renewed Hope Agenda and Welfare of Nigerians, 2023-20252026-01-22T17:14:16+00:00Ademola Azeezademolaazeez@abuad.edu.ngOlaleye Oluseyi olaleyeio@abuad.edu.ng<p>Nigeria’s experiment with democracy has always carried both longing and tension, a nation reaching for development with one hand while steadying its fragile democratic foundations with the other. This study revisits that delicate dance by examining President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda (2023-2025) as a contemporary lens into the democracy-development nexus. Grounded in a mixed-methods design and inspired by a pragmatic research philosophy, the study weaves modernization theory, the democratic-advantage thesis, Rudebeck’s vision of substantial democracy, and Dudley Seers’ human-centered development standards into a single analytical tapestry. Using empirical indicators from national and international datasets, complemented by qualitative insights from policy actors, civil society voices, and lived experiences of citizens, the study reveals an unfolding narrative of reform, sacrifice, and fragile possibility. The early reforms, notably subsidy removal and exchange-rate liberalisation created economic turbulence and widespread distress. Yet beneath the hardship lie subtle signs of rebalancing, institutional correction, and cautious recovery. The findings show that while technical reforms may stabilise macroeconomic foundations, they do not automatically translate into tangible welfare gains. Development under democracy must be more than a policy agenda; it must be a lived assurance, a people-centred promise. The Renewed Hope Agenda therefore stands at a crossroads: its legitimacy will depend not on boldness alone, but on whether democratic governance can turn sacrifice into shared progress, and policy ambition into human wellbeing</p>2026-01-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 https://mail.journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/2236The Dark Web of Cryptocurrency: Unpacking the Nexus between Digital Currencies, Cybercrime, and Global Governance2026-01-22T17:24:16+00:00Abdulmalik Olalekan OLADIPUPOoladipupo.abdulmalik@lcu.edu.ng<p>This study explores the intersection of cryptocurrency, cybercrime, and global governance. It focuses on identifying criminal techniques, analyzing forensic and regulatory countermeasures, and evaluating the broader governance dilemmas that arise. A qualitative desk-based approach was employed, synthesizing secondary data from peer-reviewed studies, institutional policy papers (FATF, IMF, Europol), and industry reports (Chainalysis, Elliptic, TRM Labs). Thematic content analysis was used to trace patterns in illicit cryptocurrency use, law enforcement responses, and regulatory innovations. The findings indicate that while advances in blockchain forensics and policy coordination have strengthened oversight, criminals increasingly exploit decentralized finance platforms, cross-chain laundering, privacy coins, and mixers to evade detection. Enforcement remains uneven, hindered by fragmented regulations and gaps in cross-border cooperation. Overall, the study concludes that cryptocurrency-enabled cybercrime remains a resilient and evolving threat that challenges the stability of the global financial system and exposes weaknesses in governance frameworks. Without stronger coordination, adaptive regulation, and robust technological capabilities, the risks of illicit finance will continue to outpace control efforts. To mitigate these risks, the study recommends enhancing cross-border collaboration, investing in advanced blockchain forensic tools, and adopting flexible, multi-stakeholder governance models that balance innovation with accountability.</p>2026-01-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 https://mail.journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/2237Commodity Dependence, Product Diversification, and the Implementation of the Biat Action Plan in West Africa, 2012–20222026-01-22T17:31:38+00:00Jane Ezenwegbuezenwegbu.jane@gmail.comIkenna Mike Alumonaikennaalumona@yahoo.com<p>West African economies exhibit a pronounced reliance on primary commodities, a structural characteristic that has historically impeded industrialization, trade competitiveness, and regional integration. This study critically examines the relationship between commodity dependence, product diversification, and the implementation of the Boosting Intra-African Trade (BIAT) Action Plan in West Africa over the period from 2012 to 2022. Drawing upon structural transformation theory and trade complementarity theory, the research investigates how limited diversification constrains the capacity of West African nations to fully capitalize on BIAT, while also exploring the potential of diversification as a catalyst for enhanced intra-regional trade. Employing a mixed-methods approach, the study integrates quantitative indicators—including export diversification indices, trade concentration ratios, and intra-regional trade shares—sourced from the UNCTAD and ECOWAS databases. This quantitative analysis is complemented by qualitative examinations of policy documents and expert insights. The findings suggest that persistent commodity dependence has significantly restricted the outcomes of BIAT. Conversely, while diversification efforts have been uneven across member states, they have positively contributed to trade complementarity and regional integration. This study highlights the dual challenge of reducing commodity dependence and fostering diversification as essential preconditions for the successful implementation of BIAT in West Africa. Furthermore, the paper contributes to the existing literature on African trade policy by linking structural economic transformation with the execution of continental integration frameworks, offering policy recommendations aimed at advancing sustainable regional trade.</p>2026-01-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 https://mail.journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/2238Homelessness in America and U.S. Foreign Policy toward Africa: Westward Migration and Implications for Nigeria2026-01-22T17:40:30+00:00Mkpe Abangmkpea5@gmail.com<p>This article examines the problem of homelessness in the United States, as well as American foreign policy and implications for Nigerian migration. While the U. S. projects a model of prosperity, democracy, and opportunity, America’s domestic reality is marred by widespread homelessness, structural inequality, and racialised marginalisation. Using qualitative methodology, the study examines how these contradictions undermine U.S. soft power credibility abroad and exposes the fragility of the “American Dream.” The discussion situates Nigerian migration within a broader historical continuum linking transatlantic slave trade to contemporary visa regimes, showing how structural dependency and racialised exclusion persist under new forms. The article argues that Nigerian migrants are often lured by aspirational narratives of opportunity but face harsh realities of job precarity, disillusionment, and homelessness in America. These lived experiences resonate with a wider collapse of U.S. moral authority in Africa, as the same state that criminalises African poverty struggles to address its own systemic crises. The article argues for a recalibration of Nigeria’s foreign policy, media narratives, and migration diplomacy through an Afrocentric framework that promotes African authority, regional integration, and self-reliance. By deconstructing the mirage of American exceptionalism, the study calls for Nigeria and other African states to pursue development strategies rooted in Afrocentric engagement rather than dependency on flawed Western models.</p>2026-01-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 https://mail.journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/2239Leveraging Parliamentary Friendship Groups to Strengthen Nigeria’s Strategic Alliances: A Foreign Policy Perspective2026-01-22T17:56:04+00:00Chinasa Agatha Ohiridrchinasa@gmail.comUche NwaliSenatoruches@yahoo.com<p>This paper interrogates the underutilisation of Parliamentary Friendship Groups (PFGs) in advancing Nigeria’s strategic alliances in pursuit of its foreign policy objectives. Despite their growing global relevance as informal diplomatic channels, PFGs have had limited impact in the foreign policy space of African countries. In Nigeria, the full potential of PFGs for strategic partnerships is not being maximised. Extant literature identifies challenges limiting the impact of PFGs to include; underfunding, overlapping mandates, lack of continuity and insufficient integration of PFGs into the broader foreign policy framework. Beyond these, there are other challenges which have not received adequate scholarly attention. Amid the growing proliferation of PFGs, there is a dearth of national interest-driven PFGs and absence of tact in their inter-parliamentary engagements. The objective of this paper is to explore how these challenges are undermining the potential of Nigeria’s PFGs for strategic alliances. The study employed qualitative-descriptive method, relying on secondary data sources, including policy documents and scholarly literature. It adopted the soft power theory, which emphasises attraction, persuasion and informal influence over hard power in inter-state relations. It argues that PFGs, as a soft power instrument, could offer Nigeria a flexible and relational approach to international diplomacy, complementing formal channels and fostering mutual understanding in inter-state engagements. It recommends leveraging Nigeria’s PFGs as a deliberate tool of soft power diplomacy – aligned with national interest and embedded within foreign policy strategy. Additionally, there is a need for tact in the operations of Nigeria’s PFGs and capacity-building for legislators in inter-parliamentary diplomacy.</p>2026-01-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 https://mail.journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/2240Nigeria-Japan Economic Relations, 1999–20232026-01-22T18:06:10+00:00Faruq Idowu Bogefaruq.boge@lasu.edu.ngHawah Oluwaseun Olawoyinhawaholawoyin@gmail.com<p>Throughout modern international relations, partnerships between industrialized and developing countries often reflect deep structural imbalances in trade, investment, and cooperation. This pattern is evident in the economic relationship between Nigeria and Japan since the return of democratic governance in Nigeria in 1999. Despite stable diplomatic ties, official visits, and longstanding development assistance, economic interactions between the two countries have remained limited in scope and impact. This study examines the developments in the Nigeria-Japan economic relations between 1999 and 2023, with particular attention to trade, investment, and development aids. Employing a historical approach to data collation and interpretation; and subjecting them to analyses under the realist, liberalist, comparative cost advantage, and the dependency theories, the study identifies the factors that have contributed to the stagnant nature of the partnership. These include Japan’s cautious investment policy in sub-Saharan Africa and Nigeria’s internal economic and institutional challenges. Anchoring on the positions from dependency theory, the study argues that without significant adjustments on both sides, particularly in addressing structural limitations, the relationship will continue to fall short of its potential. It recommends greater policy clarity, economic reform, and mutual strategic alignment to enhance future cooperation.</p>2026-01-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 https://mail.journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/2241Socio-Historic Contexts of Sino-Nigerian Relations in Infrastructure Development in Nigeria2026-01-22T18:16:30+00:00Tolulope Adetayo Fajobiadetayofajobi@gmail.com<p>The emergence of Sino-Nigerian relations in the Nigerian economy, can be attributed to the Military Government that strategically brought the Chinese closer to Nigeria for economic transformation. This action is intended to fill the gap created by the isolation of the country by the United States and her Western allies as a result of political crisis in Nigeria especially in 1990’s. Consequently, despite the cooperation from China, through Sino-Nigerian partnership, there is uncertainty surrounding the level of relations between the two countries in terms of infrastructure development. This is due largely to the antecedent of the Chinese economic interactions in some countries in Africa where most of the benefits were more of advantages to China. The study assessed the context of transportation diplomacy between China and Nigeria, and also examined the enthusiasm behind the Sino-Nigerian partnership in transportation infrastructure modernization in Nigeria<strong>.</strong> The study engaged descriptive research design through qualitative approach, which relied on interviews and secondary data. The study concluded that Sino-Nigerian relations is laudable, the sustainability outcomes of the relationship remain a major concern because of historical antecedents of relationship termination between the two countries. The study also discovered that of a lack of transparency on the part of the Nigerian government, based on the fact that highly placed Nigerian officials from successive governments to the present governments have no first-hand knowledge of the terms and conditions of China-Nigeria relations, especially in railway-related matters. Although, the study identified that the Sino-Nigerian relationship has yielded infrastructural developments with special focus on railway projects, however, this has not translated into human development in terms of job creation and improved standard of living. The study, therefore, recommends that there is need deliberate policy safeguards, mutual trust, and lessons drawn from past experiences to ensure continuity, accountability, and sustainable development outcomes.</p>2026-01-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 https://mail.journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/2242Changing gender practices among the Tiv of Central Nigeria from pre-colonial to post-colonial period2026-01-22T18:30:17+00:00Evelyn Nyajohenyajoh@bsum.edu.ngTerhile Jude Ahooahoojterhile@gmail.comJosephine Oragbai joragbai@bsum.edu.ngTartor Titus Kete babakete@gmail.com<p>This study investigates the transformation of gender practices among the Tiv of Central Nigeria from the pre-colonial to the post-colonial period. It arose from the contradiction between the Tiv’s historic gender complementarity and the deepening patriarchal control of modern times. The objectives were to examine pre-colonial gender balance, analyse the colonial disruption of traditional relations, explore post-colonial socio-moral transformations that re-inscribed patriarchy, and assess emerging forms of female agency shaping Tiv society’s gendered future. The Feminist Theory of Intersectionality provided the analytical framework, offering a lens to examine how gender, culture, economy, and religion intersect to shape women’s positions and experiences in Tiv over time. A qualitative historical-descriptive design was employed, drawing data from ethnographic records, colonial archives, oral traditions, and contemporary scholarship. Information was thematically analysed to identify continuities and changes in gender roles, power relations, and social organization. Findings reveal that pre-colonial Tiv society emphasised gender complementarity and communal welfare through institutions like Yamshe (Exchange Marriage). Colonial intrusion abolished these stabilising systems, introducing Kem (cash-based bride price), commodifying marriage and labour, and intensifying male dominance. Post-colonial developments, marked by moral regulation, religious influence, and economic inequality further entrenched patriarchy, especially in matters of sexuality and reproduction. Yet, Tiv women exhibit “bounded agency,” seen in cultural performance, education, and subtle defiance of restrictive norms. The study concludes that Tiv society remains in transition, balancing patriarchal continuity with emergent gender change. Culturally informed education and reform are recommended to promote a more inclusive gender order</p>2026-01-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 https://mail.journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/2243The Psycho-Social Effects of Integrating Former Armed Militias in Organized Security Architecture: the Nigerian Model2026-01-22T18:49:26+00:00Al-Bashir T. Olalekan Da-Cocodialadacocodia@gmail.comEdward Adeshina Olojeolojeedward@gmail.com<p>This paper interrogates psycho-social effects of integrating former armed militias into Nigeria’s organized security architectures and governed spaces. It is theoretically anchored on Post-Conflict Reintegration Theory which provides a foundational lens for understanding the transformation of former militia members as they transition from armed violence into formal state security structures by illuminating the institutional and psychosocial processes required to transition ex-combatants from insurgency to legitimate security actors- emphasizing the importance of trust-building, inclusion, and normative adaptation. Using a qualitative analytical approach grounded in secondary data, the study finds that while integration enhances operational capacity and community-level intelligence, it simultaneously reproduces identity dissonance, institutional mistrust, and security fragmentation. The findings underscores that sustainable reintegration must balance identity transformation, psychosocial stability, and state legitimacy. It concludes that Nigeria’s security reform must shift from reactive securitization to inclusive reintegration models that humanize ex-combatants while reinforcing democratic governance and public trust.</p>2026-01-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 https://mail.journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/2244Digital Diplomacy and Africa Geopolitics in the Digital Age2026-01-22T18:59:00+00:00Temitope Adepoadepotemitope@gmail.com<p>African states are increasingly adopting digital diplomacy to enhance their global visibility and influence; however, existing scholarship offers only fragmented accounts of these efforts and does not adequately explain how Africa’s digital engagement contributes to its geopolitical positioning. This study addresses this gap by examining how African states and regional institutions deploy digital tools to shape diplomatic identities, articulate emerging digital norms, and negotiate influence within the evolving global digital order. Drawing on a qualitative research design, the study analyses policy documents, African Union frameworks, national cybersecurity and digital governance strategies, official social-media communications, and reports from international organisations. Empirical evidence reveals that Africa’s digital diplomacy is becoming increasingly structured and purposeful. The African Union’s use of virtual diplomatic platforms during the COVID-19 pandemic, Kenya’s development of a National Cybersecurity Strategy, and Nigeria’s expanded use of digital communication collectively demonstrate Africa’s efforts to project identity, assert digital sovereignty, and participate in global norm-setting. Findings further show that Africa faces significant challenges—including technological dependence, cybersecurity vulnerabilities, and internet shutdowns—that constrain its digital influence. Nonetheless, emerging opportunities exist, particularly in the creative economy and in continental initiatives aimed at harmonising digital governance. The study concludes that Afro-digital diplomacy is evolving into a strategic tool through which African states seek to enhance geopolitical relevance, challenge longstanding marginalisation, and shape global digital governance. It recommends strengthening indigenous digital infrastructure, enhancing cybersecurity cooperation, improving regional policy harmonisation, and expanding Africa’s presence in global digital policy forums to consolidate gains and advance the continent’s digital sovereignty.</p>2026-01-23T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026